![]() ![]() His view is that there are simply not enough ‘state’ verbs “in the child’s realm of interest” for overgeneralization to be seen. Anisfeld came up with an alternative explanation, and used observations of his own son Shimon. He rejected this, not believing children to be that sensitive, and decided that children must learn specifically which verbs take the progressive. His first was that children noticed the difference between process verbs and state verbs, and so did not overgeneralize to these verbs. Brown (Anisfeld, from Brown, 1973) considered two possibilities for this, finally settling for the latter. This is interesting, because despite the existence of verbs which this rule does not apply to, children do not seem to overgeneralize. Most verbs that take the progressive refer to processes, and most verbs that do not take the progressive refer to states. In this form, it is one of the first morphemes learned. The Present Progressive: The present progressive involves the present tense of the auxiliary verb ‘be’ plus a verb plus the stem ‘ing’ (I am coming.) When the child first evidences this, the auxiliary is left out (I coming). The order of acquisition is much more constant than the age of acquisition. The ages at which any specific child gains morphemes varies greatly. The final three (Future Conditional, Passive, and Past Progressive) are placed in order through use of the data found in the Potts, et. Gardner, 1982, from Roger Brown, 1973) are as follows. The morphemes to be studied here, in the generally accepted order of acquisition (H. The latter book reports on a very fine study of morpheme acquisition from ages three to five. Much of this information comes from Moshe Anisfeld’s book, Language and Development From Birth to Three, and the book Structure and Development in Child Language: The Preschool Years, by Marion Potts, et. Where possible, the pattern of acquisition will be discussed, as well as certain variants which may be used by children in place of these rules before fully using the rule. In this paper, the development of fourteen different English morphemes will be discussed, in order of their acquisition by children. There is even evidence that bilingual children will overgeneralize from one language to another (Anisfeld), combining morphemes from each language. Once a child develops a rule, he or she almost invariable overgeneralizes it to irregular aspects of the language-using the ’ed rule for past tense to say ‘I goed’ for instance. ![]() Often the correct uses of a certain rule will rise slowly and then, in a few months, jump rapidly, and then level off again (Anisfeld, 1984). The order of acquisition of these rules seems to vary little within languages, and follows very similar patterns. Beginning late in the second year of life, and speeding up in the third through fifth years, children undergo vast changes in their use of language, venturing from single word holophrases and paired words to actual grammatical morphemes and the application of morphological rules.
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